Entrevista Ambe Njoh
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Foto: Nuno Gonçalves, 2018 (Divulgação).
Ambe J. Njoh é Professor na University of South Florida
(Tampa, EUA), onde dirige o Programa Urban &
Regional Planning. PhD em Filosofia no Development
Planning Unit, Bartlett School of Architecture and
Planning (University of London). Tem publicado vários
livros e artigos sobre o fenómeno urbano em África, dos
quais destacamos “Urban Planning and Public Health”
(Routledge, 2012), “Planning Power. Town Planning and
Social Control in Colonial Africa” (UCL Press, 2007), e
“Tradition, Culture and Development in Africa: Historical
Lessons for Modern Development Planning” (Routeledge,
2006),
Foi um dos keynote speakers (com Laurajanne
Smith e Wallace Chang) na Conferência Worlds of
Cultural Heritage (Coimbra, 7 e 8 de Fevereiro de
2019), onde apresentou a comunicação “Toponymic
Inscription as an Instrument of Power in the French
colonial entreprise: case study of Indocinha and Africa”.
Nesse contexto, a convite do Programa Patrimónios de
Influência Portuguesa, o Professor Njoh
concedeu-nos a entrevista que agora publicamos. Abordámos
sobretudo questões sobre o estudo do património em
territórios coloniais, umas mais amplas, outras em diálogo
direto com algum do trabalho que tem publicado.
1. The project we belong to, "Heritage of Portuguese
Influence", proposes a dialogue approach between the
different territories that have Portuguese cultural
influence, connecting for example, the heritages of
Brazil, Mozambique, Angola, India, China, etc. How do
you think that these studies can contribute to
understanding the reality of postcolonial contexts of
the different cities of this universe?
It is impossible to overstate the importance of
history for understanding contemporary development
initiatives and their outcomes in post-colonial states.
A comparative analysis of cities in different former
colonies can permit a good appreciation of the various
ways by which colonial policy was shaped by reality on
the ground in the colonies. This suggests that colonial
and post-colonial policies to promote, say, Portuguese
culture and other features of Portuguese heritage
were/are influenced by conditions on the ground in
former Portuguese colonies such as Brazil, Mozambique,
Angola, and Cape Verde.
2. In the perspective of the twentieth century, the
discussion about the protection of cultural heritage
happened from a completely Western and Eurocentric point
of view, based on its own value system, ignoring the
possibility of other criteria of non-dominant cultures,
that can create serious consequences in these contexts.
Having that in mind, how do you think that should be our
approach to the issue of heritage in postcolonial
realities, with such distinct social and urban
framework?
A true account of the history of any civilization is
that which refrains from selectivity, that is, one that
strives for inclusivity and comprehensiveness. Such an
account must avoid embellishing and distorting any and
all aspects of historical realities. Therefore, to be
considered veritable, the history of non-Western
civilizations must account for their own achievements,
imperfections and frailties as well as the influences of
their Western counterparts. This constitutes a logical
and worthwhile approach to promoting adequate
understanding of heritage in postcolonial contexts.
3. Some scholars have been approaching the heritage
built in former colonial territories as “shared built
heritage”. Do you agree with this idea? Does it make
sense when we study situations of such asymmetrical
power relationships? Do you think this idea of “shared
built heritage” tries to surpass the seminal question of
Stuart Hall, “whose heritage?”
Yes, I subscribe to the notion of ‘shared built
heritage’ as a characterization of the heritage
developed in colonized territories. My thinking in this
regard is guided by the concept of syncretism, which
essentially rejects the idea of cultural purity.
Instead, any given culture or heritage constitutes an
amalgamation of multiple cultures or heritages.
Therefore, the asymmetrical power relationships
notwithstanding, what may, on first sight, appear to be
a ‘pure cultural attribute’ of an erstwhile colonial
power in its former colonial protégé, is often not.
Rather, the attribute in question would have undergone
some contextual transformation that makes it unique to
its host environment. A glaring manifestation of this
phenomenon is Brazilian Portuguese, which is obviously
an offspring of, but discernibly different from, the
Portuguese spoken in Portugal.
4. Professor, you have already drawn some really
interesting comparisons between the colonial legacies of
the British and the French empires. However, former
Portuguese and Belgian colonies were also important
neighbors of those first ones. Do you think that further
comparative studies should also start going this way,
breaking away from the prevailing anglo-french dichotomy
and searching for other relations?
Yes indeed! I concede that my failure to incorporate
the colonial escapades of the Portuguese and Belgians in
my examination of the European colonial project in
Africa is an unfortunate oversight. Such an omission
should not, by any means, be misconstrued as
constituting an accentuation of the role of the British
and the French, while trivializing that of the
Portuguese and Belgians in this project. Consequently, I
encourage contemporary and future students of
colonialism and post-colonialism to do well to approach
the subject from a more comprehensive and encompassing
perspective.
5. Together with Liora Bigon, you have present a
noteworthy analysis of the worker’s camps in Cameroon (Spatio-Physical
power and social control strategies of the colonial
state in Africa: the case of CDC workers’ camps in
Cameroon). How do you think we can study and
assess that heritage, often related to dark times of
history, of forced labor and segregation? Moreover, we
are talking about a built scenario were architecture
does not have an outstanding value. In this regard, do
you think that for local communities, this heritage is
mostly intangible and drawn from a modernization process
of their everyday life?
The workers’ camps of the Cameroons Development
Corporation (CDC) discussed in our study should not be
mistaken for forced labour camps. The camps in our study
are for paid workers. Nevertheless, it is conceivable
that the camps had exploitative motives. The colonial
employers’ ownership of the camps and their proximity to
the plantations meant that the colonial employers could
maintain a round-the-clock control over the workers.
With respect to heritage, the camps provided colonial
authorities an occasion to inscribe Eurocentric
architectural artifacts within a veritably African
landscape.
6. In one of your texts we have read (Urbanization
and development in sub-Saharan Africa, 2003) you
note a very interesting fact: that urbanization does not
always have a negative impact on people's quality of
life in sub-Saharan Africa. However, recent studies by
UNESCO (Culture Urban Future, 2016) point to some trends
that globalization and accelerated urbanization can
bring to cultural environments - such as the
homogenization of landscapes and loss of cultural
identity. Do you agree with this? Could you talk a
little about what challenges urban planners have to face
in this area? Do you believe that cultural heritage can
be an important asset in this context?
The contemporary discourse on the urbanization
phenomenon in Africa is, at least in part, wrong-headed.
It gives the erroneous impression that the urban and
rural contexts in Africa are mutually exclusive. They
are not! Instead, they are inextricably intertwined and
exceedingly overlapping. Urbanites throughout Africa
maintain continuous if only complex links with their kin
in the rural areas. One is unlikely to come across an
African urbanite who spends a whole year without
visiting his/her rural-based kin. At the same time,
rural areas continue to constitute a dependable
reservoir of food for urbanites on the continent. So, as
goes rural areas, so goes urban centres. Therefore,
attempting to demonstrate the differential impact of
urbanization on the quality of life of urbanites as
distinct from rural residents may well be an exercise in
futility in the context of Africa.
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